096 – 108  Banker and sharecroppers  (old book 84-87)

Vincents text                                                             Norsk oversættelse                                         Ny dansk bog

96-97

In Alabama I lived with Jack Ray, who’d established and owned several banks. Jack was one of the more liberal men in Alabama and employed blacks as cashiers. He was a loving empathic person, so it hurt me when he referred to them as “niggers,” as people did around there. Often, as the poor tramp, I got a strong desire to get a formal education in order to embark on a career and rise to the upper class, but whenever I, as here, got a chance to live the so-called good life, it usually made me so sick that I quickly fled to the highway again. For where did all the money, with which Jack had bought his luxurious home outside the city, come from? He told me he’d made his fortune by giving loans to poor black sharecroppers so they could buy a mule or move from their rotten shack into a streamlined plastic trailer and join the new plastic proletariat of more than 30 million Americans. But many sharecroppers couldn’t even afford these modern shacks. They have enough trouble paying off their mules and are in debt to both the bank and the white landowner, to whom they often had to pay the greater share of their crops, just as we in feudal Europe paid the church and the squire. The American system started after the Civil War, when neither planters nor freed slaves had any money. Driven by hunger to work for little or nothing, destitute blacks made agreements with their former slave-owners to borrow land, housing, and seed. The profit was supposed to have been shared. But debt and dishonest bookkeeping usually brought the sharecroppers into a situation materially worse than it had been under slavery (the master at least had an interest in feeding them). The system has continued from generation to generation, and on top of the eternal debt to the landlord came the debt to the commissary store and finally the bank, all helping to create a white upper class. Already, when he picked me up in 1973, Jack Ray had made himself so rich he could fly me around in his private jet. When I returned, I found that his banking empire had grown even larger, and he invited me to dinner at a club for whites only. As a sponsor of everything from scholarships to orchestras, he joined the Chamber of Commerce in 1993. The Jack L. Ray Family Park was dedicated to him, but no blacks attended the festivities. Perhaps because his most important contribution to society consisted of monetary policies that helped double the net worth of every white American, from 6 to 12 times that of every black American, between our first meeting and his death in 2006.

98

Later, I visited this tenant farmer, who lived near the banker. Both he and his wife were 78 years old and should have stopped working years ago. But he said, “I have to work until I drop dead in the fields. Last year my wife got heart trouble, so now I must do the work by myself.” Twice a year he walked to the local store to buy a bit of flour and a little sugar. That’s all he ever bought. I asked what they ate for breakfast. “A glass of tea and a little turnip greens,” he answered. What about lunch? “Just turnip greens,” he replied. What then for supper? “Mostly turnip greens.”

Another tenant farmer, skinning a rabbit, spoke with me:

- But often you went to bed hungry?

- Yes, sir, more times than not. But sometimes people would give us some bread or a meal.

- White people?

- Sometimes whites, sometimes colored. Sometimes we would have nothing and go to bed hungry. We went to bed a million nights hungry. Sometimes we wanted to hunt, but were too weak to catch rabbits.

My attempts to find out about conditions for these sharecroppers ran into an almost impenetrable wall of fear and intimidation. I’d imagined that this fear was entirely historically conditioned. One night, however, after a visit to such a sharecropper, I was making the 10-mile trek down a dead end to my shack when I was “ambushed” by a pickup truck with its headlights on me and guns sticking out. I managed to talk my way out of this jam, but little by little I realized that such intimidation was deeply rooted in the violent system of peonage, which has prevented sharecroppers and farm workers from fleeing their “debt” through beatings, imprisonment, and murder.
During World War II (in which the US was hailed as the Land of Liberty), the US Justice Department admitted that “there are more Negroes held by these debt slavers than were actually owned as slaves before the Civil War.”

 

 

 

 


99

Yet the Justice Department did nothing to prosecute these slave owners, who even traded and sold peons to each other. Although there was an increasing number of peonage cases in the 1970s, only a few ended up in court, and only the cruelest, such as a case in 1980 in which a planter chained his workers to prevent their escape, reached the press (and the American public).
In the 1990s, The Atlanta Constitution ran a big story about a landowner who’d fled to the Bahamas, a tax haven, abandoning his debt-ridden tenant farmers, who had no idea whether they’d been bought or sold. The more I began to penetrate this undercurrent of dread and terror, the more I felt that the 20th century had a far more violent influence on the black psyche than slavery.





102-103

How important it is to vagabond in the fourth dimension - with the time factor included - my friendship with Lefus Whitley shows. For pictures often lie even for the photographer himself. Lep, a gangster in New York, in 1973 invited me home to visit his parents in the woods of North Carolina. There I took the photo of his father Lefus drunk and apathetic at the TV on page 99. Such "honest" pictures of Lefus made it difficult later to get my show into high schools for fear they would intensify students' negative prejudice of blacks as "lazy" and "apathetic". I am afraid I even myself saw him that way since every time I over the years visited him he was laying drunk on the floor except one time in 1991 when we made him sit up to be on Danish TV. I always needed the help of his son to find his family deep in the forest in new rotten shacks since he burned the previous down in drunkenness. So my prejudice lasted 30 years until I in 2003 traveled around to make video interviews with my friends about their own perception of their lives, contrary to MY interpretations in my show. For both family and neighbors confirmed that Lefus had never missed even one day of work in his entire life. As a hardworking tenant farmer in his youth, he only drank a bit on weekends, but it worsened when he lost his land when white landowners forced out the remaining black farmers. He then became a construction worker, and his crew picked him up every morning at five and drove him to Raleigh where he built most of the skyscraper seen in the state capital today. All those years he only drank after work and after giving his wife Mosel what she needed to raise the family – that is, when I was visiting in the evening. My superficiality came from never having lived with the family because I always lived with his son Lep. I had been “lazy”, not Lefus, which again taught me never to judge people until we have lived with them 24 hours a day.

Years later Bruce Springsteen did the same mistake when he stole this picture to put on his bestselling “57 channels and nothing's on” album without asking or paying neither me nor Lefus a dime. Contrary to our stigmatizing thinking about people like Lefus as a “lazy freeloading n……” he had until his death March 17, 2004 never received any support from society. So why do we blame free let “high society” get away with both landgrapping and freeloading? Bruce Springsteen might be “Born in the USA”, but as I always said, “my friend Lefus built America!”



105

My friend Jack Ray, a recent beneficiary of this violent ignorance, unknowingly fit one more piece for me into the pattern of hunger and dread I saw in the rural underclass of the ’70s.

Racism haunts all countries but is more visible in America because it’s intertwined with ruthless class oppression—the biggest gap between rich and poor in the industrialized world. Without a protective welfare state to keep the market forces at bay, many are made so poor they lose both their freedom and the initiative to brave the market. When 2% today own 80% of everything in the US, it’s easier to see where this banker’s mink fur comes from. The only thing he couldn’t buy was real happiness. Again and again I see that the upper class is compelled to substitute mink coats, alcohol, nerve pills, and cocaine for personal happiness.

I began to feel poles apart from the prevailing white ignorance, which seems forever unable to understand why their own white ancestors could “make it” in a short time, while, after more than 100 years of “freedom,” blacks still struggle.




 

 

96-97
 
I Alabama kom jeg til at bo hos Jack Ray, som havde oprettet og ejede flere banker. Jack var en af de mere liberale i Alabama og ansatte sorte i sin bank. Han var et kærligt, empatisk menneske, så det sårede mig, når han omtalte dem som ”niggere”, som folk gjorde der. Tit fik jeg som fattig vagabond stærk lyst til at få en formel uddannelse for at gøre karriere og komme op i samfundet, men hver gang jeg som her kom til at leve det såkaldt gode liv på toppen, fik jeg i reglen så stærk kvalme, at jeg flygtede ud på landevejen igen. For hvor kom alt dette guld fra, som Jack brugte på sit luksushjem uden for byen? Han fortalte, at han havde skabt sin formue ved at give lån til sorte fæstebønder, så de kunne købe et muldyr eller flytte fra den rådne shack ind i en plastikskurvogn og tilslutte sig det nye plastikproletariat på mere end 30 millioner amerikanere. Men mange fæstebønder havde end ikke råd til disse moderne shacks. De havde problemer nok med at betale af på deres muldyr og var i konstant gæld både til banken og den hvide godsejer, som ejede markerne, og til hvem de ofte måtte betale størstedelen af høsten, fuldstændig som bønder i Danmark under hoveriet måtte betale kirken og herremanden. Dette system startede efter borgerkrigen, da hverken plantageejerne eller de frigivne slaver havde penge. Drevet af sult til at arbejde for lidt eller intet, indgik de fattige sorte aftaler med deres tidligere slave­ejere om at låne jord, husly og såsæd. I teorien skulle de dele profitten. Men gæld og uærlig bogføring bragte i reglen fæstebønderne ud i en situation, der materielt set var værre end under slaveriet, hvor slaveherren i det mindste havde en interesse i at bespise dem. Systemet fortsatte fra generation til generation og, oveni den evige gæld til godsejeren, kom gælden til landhandelen og senere banken, alt sammen medvirkende til at skabe en hvid overklasse. Allerede da bankmanden samlede mig op i 1973, havde han gjort sig så rig, at han kunne flyve mig rundt i sin private flyvemaskine. Siden, når jeg vendte tilbage, var hans bankimperium vokset endnu større, og han inviterede mig på middag i en privat klub kun for hvide. Som sponsor af alt fra stipendier til orkestre kom han i 1993 i The Chamber of Commerce, og Jack L. Ray Familie-Parken blev indviet efter ham. Men ingen sorte deltog i festerne. Måske fordi hans vigtigste bidrag til samfundet var gennem en sådan pengepolitik at medvirke til at fordoble hver hvid amerikaners nettorigdom fra 6 til 12 gange hver sort amerikaners, fra jeg først mødte ham til hans død i 2006.



98


Senere besøgte jeg denne fæstebonde, der boede i nærheden af bankmanden. Både han og konen var 78 år gamle og burde være holdt op med at arbejde for mange år siden. Men som han sagde til mig: ”Jeg er nødt til at arbejde, indtil jeg falder om på marken. Sidste år fik min kone en hjertesygdom, så nu må jeg klare arbejdet alene.” To gange om året gik han til den lokale forretning for at købe en smule mel og lidt sukker. Det var det eneste, de overhovedet købte. Jeg spurgte ham, hvad de fik at spise om morgenen. Han svarede: ”Et glas the og lidt roeblade.” ”Hvad så til frokost,” spurgte jeg. ”Blot roeblade,” svarede han. ”Og hvad med aftensmaden?” ”For det meste roeblade,” lød svaret.
En anden forpagter talte med mig, mens han flåede en kanin:

- Men gik du ofte sulten i seng?

- Ja, hr. Men nogle gange gav folk os noget brød eller et måltid mad.

- Hvide mennesker?

- Nogle gange hvide, andre gange farvede. Nogle gange fik vi ingenting og gik sultne i seng. Vi gik sultne i seng en million gange om natten. Nogle gange ville vi gerne jage, men vi var for svage til at fange kaniner.

 
Under mine bestræbelser på at finde ud af forholdene for disse fæstebønder løb jeg ind i en næsten uigennemtrængelig mur af frygt og intimidering. Jeg havde forestillet mig, at denne frygt udelukkende var historisk betinget indtil en aften, hvor jeg efter et besøg hos en sådan fæstebonde kom gående de 15 km ud ad en blindgyde til min egen shack, og jeg pludselig gik i et baghold af en pickup-truck, der blokerede vejen og havde lygterne rettet lige imod mig og geværer strittende ud. Det lykkedes mig at snakke mig ud af situationen med disse hvide, men lidt efter lidt gik det op for mig, at denne form for intimidering var dybt rodfæstet i det voldelige gældsfangesystem, hvormed man traditionelt har forhindret fæstebønder og daglejere i at flygte fra deres ”gæld” ved hjælp af prygl, fængsling og mord. Under 2. verdenskrig (hvor USA blev hyldet som frihedens land) indrømmede USAs justitsministerium at ”der er flere negre, der holdes som gældsslaver i dag, end der rent faktisk var slaver før borgerkrigen”.

99

Alligevel gjorde justitsministeriet intet for at retsforfølge disse slaveejere, som endog handlede og solgte gældsslaverne til hinanden.
Selv om der var et stigende antal sager om gældsfangesager i 1970'erne, endte kun få af dem i retten, og kun de mest grusomme, som f.eks. en sag i 1980, hvor en plantageejer lænkede sine arbejdere for at forhindre deres flugt, nåede pressen (og den amerikanske offentlighed).

 I 1990’erne skrev The Atlanta Constitution om en godsejer, der var flygtet i skattely på Bahamas fra sine gældbundne fæstebønder, der ikke anede om de var købt eller solgt.
Jo mere jeg trængte ned til denne understrøm af terror, jo mere følte jeg, at det 20. århundrede har haft en langt voldsommere indflydelse på den sorte psyke end slaveriet.



 

 

102- 103

Hvor vigtigt det er at vagabondere i den fjerde dimension – med tidsfaktoren inkluderet- viser mit venskab med Lefus Whitley. For billeder lyver ofte også for fotografen selv. Lep, en gangster i New York, inviterede mig i 1973 hjem for at besøge sine forældre North Carolinas skove. Der tog jeg billedet af hans far Lefus, der sidder fuld og apatisk ved fjernsynet på side 99. Sådanne “ærlige” billeder af Lefus gjorde det senere vanskeligt at få mit diasshow ind i high schools af frygt for, at de ville forstærke elevernes negative fordomme om sorte som “dovne” og “apatiske”. Jeg er bange for, at jeg selv så ham på den måde, da han hver gang jeg i årenes løb besøgte ham, lå fuld på gulvet, undtagen en gang i 1991, hvor vi fik ham til at sætte sig op for at være på dansk tv. Jeg måtte altid have hjælp fra hans søn for at finde hans familie dybt inde i skoven i nye rådne shacks, da han brændte de foregående ned i fuldskab. Så mine fordomme varede i 30 år, indtil jeg i 2003 rejste rundt for at lave videointerviews med mine venner om deres egen opfattelse af deres liv, modsat MINE fortolkninger i mit show. For både familie og naboer bekræftede nu, at Lefus aldrig havde misset bare én arbejdsdag i hele sit liv. Som hårdtarbejdende fæstebonde i sin ungdom drak han kun lidt i weekenderne, men det blev værre, da han mistede sin jord, da hvide godsejere tvang de resterende sorte landmænd ud. Han blev derefter bygningsarbejder, og hans mandskab hentede ham hver morgen klokken fem og kørte ham til Raleigh, hvor han byggede de fleste af de skyskrabere, som man kan se i delstatens hovedstad i dag. I alle disse år drak han kun efter arbejde og efter at have givet sin kone Mosel de penge, hun havde brug for til at opfostre familien - det vil sige, når jeg var på besøg om aftenen. Min overfladiskhed kom af, at jeg aldrig havde boet hos familien, fordi jeg altid boede hos hans søn Lep. Jeg havde været “doven”, ikke Lefus, hvilket igen lærte mig, at man aldrig skal dømme folk, før man har levet med dem 24 timer i døgnet.

Mange år senere begik Bruce Springsteen den samme fejl, da han stjal dette billede for at lægge det på sit bestselleralbum “57 channels and nothing’s on” uden at spørge eller betale hverken mig eller Lefus en skilling. I modsætning til vores stigmatiserende tankegang om folk som Lefus som en “doven snylter n......” havde han indtil sin død den 17. marts 2004 aldrig modtaget nogen form for støtte fra samfundet. Så hvorfor lader vi skyldfrit de bedrestillede slippe af sted med både jordtyveri og nasseri?



 



105

Min ven Jack Ray var en af de seneste til at nyde godt af denne voldelige uvidenhed og passede ubevidst endnu en brik ind i det mønster af sult og frygt, som jeg så i 70'ernes underklasse på landet.

Racisme hjemsøger alle lande, men er mere synlig i Amerika, fordi den her er flettet sammen med en skånselsløs klasseundertrykkelse – den største kløft mellem rig og fattig i den industrialiserede verden. Uden en beskyttende velfærdsstat til at holde det frie initiativ og markedskræfterne i skak, bliver mange gjort så fattige, at de mister både frihed og initiativ til at prøve kræfter med markedet. Når 2 % i dag ejer 80 % af alt i USA, er det lettere at se, hvor denne bankmands minkpelse kommer fra. Det eneste, han ikke kunne købe, var virkelig lykke. Og således ser jeg igen og igen, at overklassen er tvunget til at erstatte personlig lykke med stress, whisky, nervepiller og kokain.

Jeg begyndte at føle mig poler fra den herskende hvide uvidenhed, som for evigt synes ude af stand til at forstå, hvorfor deres egne hvide forfædre kunne "klare sig" på kort tid, mens de sorte efter mere end 100 års "frihed" stadig kæmper.